-->
Why
Socialism?
Albert Einstein is the
world-famous physicist. This article was originally published in the first
issue of Monthly
Review (May
1949). It was subsequently published in May 1998 to commemorate the first issue
of MR‘s fiftieth year. — The Editors
Is it advisable for one who is not an expert
on economic and social issues to express views on the subject of socialism? I
believe for a number of reasons that it is.
Let us first consider the question from the
point of view of scientific knowledge. It might appear that there are no
essential methodological differences between astronomy and economics:
scientists in both fields attempt to discover laws of general acceptability for
a circumscribed group of phenomena in order to make the interconnection of
these phenomena as clearly understandable as possible. But in reality such methodological
differences do exist. The discovery of general laws in the field of economics
is made difficult by the circumstance that observed economic phenomena are
often affected by many factors which are very hard to evaluate separately. In
addition, the experience which has accumulated since the beginning of the
so-called civilized period of human history has—as is well known—been largely
influenced and limited by causes which are by no means exclusively economic in
nature. For example, most of the major states of history owed their existence
to conquest. The conquering peoples established themselves, legally and
economically, as the privileged class of the conquered country. They seized for
themselves a monopoly of the land ownership and appointed a priesthood from
among their own ranks. The priests, in control of education, made the class
division of society into a permanent institution and created a system of values
by which the people were thenceforth, to a large extent unconsciously, guided
in their social behavior.
But historic tradition is, so to speak, of
yesterday; nowhere have we really overcome what Thorstein Veblen called “the
predatory phase” of human development. The observable economic facts belong to
that phase and even such laws as we can derive from them are not applicable to
other phases. Since the real purpose of socialism is precisely to overcome and
advance beyond the predatory phase of human development, economic science in
its present state can throw little light on the socialist society of the
future.
Second, socialism is directed towards a
social-ethical end. Science, however, cannot create ends and, even less,
instill them in human beings; science, at most, can supply the means by which
to attain certain ends. But the ends themselves are conceived by personalities
with lofty ethical ideals and—if these ends are not stillborn, but vital and
vigorous—are adopted and carried forward by those many human beings who, half
unconsciously, determine the slow evolution of society.
For these reasons, we should be on our guard
not to overestimate science and scientific methods when it is a question of
human problems; and we should not assume that experts are the only ones who
have a right to express themselves on questions affecting the organization of
society.
Innumerable voices have been asserting for
some time now that human society is passing through a crisis, that its
stability has been gravely shattered. It is characteristic of such a situation
that individuals feel indifferent or even hostile toward the group, small or
large, to which they belong. In order to illustrate my meaning, let me record
here a personal experience. I recently discussed with an intelligent and
well-disposed man the threat of another war, which in my opinion would seriously
endanger the existence of mankind, and I remarked that only a supra-national
organization would offer protection from that danger. Thereupon my visitor,
very calmly and coolly, said to me: “Why are you so deeply opposed to the
disappearance of the human race?”
I am sure that as little as a century ago no
one would have so lightly made a statement of this kind. It is the statement of
a man who has striven in vain to attain an equilibrium within himself and has
more or less lost hope of succeeding. It is the expression of a painful
solitude and isolation from which so many people are suffering in these days.
What is the cause? Is there a way out?
It is easy to raise such questions, but
difficult to answer them with any degree of assurance. I must try, however, as
best I can, although I am very conscious of the fact that our feelings and
strivings are often contradictory and obscure and that they cannot be expressed
in easy and simple formulas.
Man is, at one and the same time, a solitary
being and a social being. As a solitary being, he attempts to protect his own
existence and that of those who are closest to him, to satisfy his personal
desires, and to develop his innate abilities. As a social being, he seeks to
gain the recognition and affection of his fellow human beings, to share in
their pleasures, to comfort them in their sorrows, and to improve their
conditions of life. Only the existence of these varied, frequently conflicting,
strivings accounts for the special character of a man, and their specific combination
determines the extent to which an individual can achieve an inner equilibrium
and can contribute to the well-being of society. It is quite possible that the
relative strength of these two drives is, in the main, fixed by inheritance.
But the personality that finally emerges is largely formed by the environment
in which a man happens to find himself during his development, by the structure
of the society in which he grows up, by the tradition of that society, and by
its appraisal of particular types of behavior. The abstract concept “society”
means to the individual human being the sum total of his direct and indirect
relations to his contemporaries and to all the people of earlier generations.
The individual is able to think, feel, strive, and work by himself; but he
depends so much upon society—in his physical, intellectual, and emotional
existence—that it is impossible to think of him, or to understand him, outside
the framework of society. It is “society” which provides man with food, clothing,
a home, the tools of work, language, the forms of thought, and most of the
content of thought; his life is made possible through the labor and the
accomplishments of the many millions past and present who are all hidden behind
the small word “society.”
It is evident, therefore, that the dependence
of the individual upon society is a fact of nature which cannot be
abolished—just as in the case of ants and bees. However, while the whole life
process of ants and bees is fixed down to the smallest detail by rigid,
hereditary instincts, the social pattern and interrelationships of human beings
are very variable and susceptible to change. Memory, the capacity to make new
combinations, the gift of oral communication have made possible developments
among human being which are not dictated by biological necessities. Such
developments manifest themselves in traditions, institutions, and
organizations; in literature; in scientific and engineering accomplishments; in
works of art. This explains how it happens that, in a certain sense, man can
influence his life through his own conduct, and that in this process conscious
thinking and wanting can play a part.
Man acquires at birth, through heredity, a
biological constitution which we must consider fixed and unalterable, including
the natural urges which are characteristic of the human species. In addition,
during his lifetime, he acquires a cultural constitution which he adopts from
society through communication and through many other types of influences. It is
this cultural constitution which, with the passage of time, is subject to
change and which determines to a very large extent the relationship between the
individual and society. Modern anthropology has taught us, through comparative
investigation of so-called primitive cultures, that the social behavior of
human beings may differ greatly, depending upon prevailing cultural patterns
and the types of organization which predominate in society. It is on this that
those who are striving to improve the lot of man may ground their hopes: human
beings are not condemned, because of their biological constitution, to
annihilate each other or to be at the mercy of a cruel, self-inflicted fate.
If we ask ourselves how the structure of
society and the cultural attitude of man should be changed in order to make
human life as satisfying as possible, we should constantly be conscious of the
fact that there are certain conditions which we are unable to modify. As
mentioned before, the biological nature of man is, for all practical purposes,
not subject to change. Furthermore, technological and demographic developments
of the last few centuries have created conditions which are here to stay. In
relatively densely settled populations with the goods which are indispensable
to their continued existence, an extreme division of labor and a
highly-centralized productive apparatus are absolutely necessary. The
time—which, looking back, seems so idyllic—is gone forever when individuals or
relatively small groups could be completely self-sufficient. It is only a
slight exaggeration to say that mankind constitutes even now a planetary
community of production and consumption.
I have now reached the point where I may
indicate briefly what to me constitutes the essence of the crisis of our time.
It concerns the relationship of the individual to society. The individual has
become more conscious than ever of his dependence upon society. But he does not
experience this dependence as a positive asset, as an organic tie, as a
protective force, but rather as a threat to his natural rights, or even to his
economic existence. Moreover, his position in society is such that the
egotistical drives of his make-up are constantly being accentuated, while his
social drives, which are by nature weaker, progressively deteriorate. All human
beings, whatever their position in society, are suffering from this process of
deterioration. Unknowingly prisoners of their own egotism, they feel insecure,
lonely, and deprived of the naive, simple, and unsophisticated enjoyment of
life. Man can find meaning in life, short and perilous as it is, only through
devoting himself to society.
The economic anarchy of capitalist society as
it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the evil. We see before
us a huge community of producers the members of which are unceasingly striving
to deprive each other of the fruits of their collective labor—not by force, but
on the whole in faithful compliance with legally established rules. In this
respect, it is important to realize that the means of production—that is to
say, the entire productive capacity that is needed for producing consumer goods
as well as additional capital goods—may legally be, and for the most part are,
the private property of individuals.
For the sake of simplicity, in the discussion
that follows I shall call “workers” all those who do not share in the ownership
of the means of production—although this does not quite correspond to the
customary use of the term. The owner of the means of production is in a
position to purchase the labor power of the worker. By using the means of
production, the worker produces new goods which become the property of the
capitalist. The essential point about this process is the relation between what
the worker produces and what he is paid, both measured in terms of real value.
Insofar as the labor contract is “free,” what the worker receives is determined
not by the real value of the goods he produces, but by his minimum needs and by
the capitalists’ requirements for labor power in relation to the number of
workers competing for jobs. It is important to understand that even in theory
the payment of the worker is not determined by the value of his product.
Private capital tends to become concentrated
in few hands, partly because of competition among the capitalists, and partly
because technological development and the increasing division of labor
encourage the formation of larger units of production at the expense of smaller
ones. The result of these developments is an oligarchy of private capital the
enormous power of which cannot be effectively checked even by a democratically
organized political society. This is true since the members of legislative
bodies are selected by political parties, largely financed or otherwise
influenced by private capitalists who, for all practical purposes, separate the
electorate from the legislature. The consequence is that the representatives of
the people do not in fact sufficiently protect the interests of the
underprivileged sections of the population. Moreover, under existing
conditions, private capitalists inevitably control, directly or indirectly, the
main sources of information (press, radio, education). It is thus extremely
difficult, and indeed in most cases quite impossible, for the individual citizen
to come to objective conclusions and to make intelligent use of his political
rights.
The situation prevailing in an economy based
on the private ownership of capital is thus characterized by two main
principles: first, means of production (capital) are privately owned and the
owners dispose of them as they see fit; second, the labor contract is free. Of
course, there is no such thing as a pure capitalist
society in this sense. In particular, it should be noted that the workers,
through long and bitter political struggles, have succeeded in securing a
somewhat improved form of the “free labor contract” for certain categories of
workers. But taken as a whole, the present day economy does not differ much
from “pure” capitalism.
Production is carried on for profit, not for
use. There is no provision that all those able and willing to work will always
be in a position to find employment; an “army of unemployed” almost always
exists. The worker is constantly in fear of losing his job. Since unemployed
and poorly paid workers do not provide a profitable market, the production of
consumers’ goods is restricted, and great hardship is the consequence.
Technological progress frequently results in more unemployment rather than in
an easing of the burden of work for all. The profit motive, in conjunction with
competition among capitalists, is responsible for an instability in the
accumulation and utilization of capital which leads to increasingly severe
depressions. Unlimited competition leads to a huge waste of labor, and to that
crippling of the social consciousness of individuals which I mentioned before.
This crippling of individuals I consider the
worst evil of capitalism. Our whole educational system suffers from this evil.
An exaggerated competitive attitude is inculcated into the student, who is
trained to worship acquisitive success as a preparation for his future career.
I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely
through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational
system which would be oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the
means of production are owned by society itself and are utilized in a planned
fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the
community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work
and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education
of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would
attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow men in place
of the glorification of power and success in our present society.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to remember that
a planned economy is not yet socialism. A planned economy as such may be
accompanied by the complete enslavement of the individual. The achievement of
socialism requires the solution of some extremely difficult socio-political
problems: how is it possible, in view of the far-reaching centralization of
political and economic power, to prevent bureaucracy from becoming all-powerful
and overweening? How can the rights of the individual be protected and
therewith a democratic counterweight to the power of bureaucracy be assured?
Clarity about the aims and problems of
socialism is of greatest significance in our age of transition. Since, under
present circumstances, free and unhindered discussion of these problems has
come under a powerful taboo, I consider the foundation of this magazine to be
an important public service.
Labels: catholic social teaching, Einstein, jesuits, political economy, socialism